Black Women the Feminism Movement in Regard to the Role of Art and Making a Difference

Blackness feminist identity practices

"Afro-feminism" redirects hither. For feminism in Africa, run across African feminism.

Blackness feminism is a philosophy that centers on the idea that "Black women are inherently valuable, that [Black women's] liberation is a necessity not every bit an offshoot to somebody else's simply considering our demand as human being persons for autonomy."^[1]

The Combahee River Commonage (1974-1980), a group of black feminists, spoke on how blackness women are constantly and simultaneously fighting this ongoing boxing of multiple oppression from all angles. Within the Black Feminisms: Combahee River Commonage Argument of 1977, they spoke on how, "…difficult to separate race from class from sex activity oppression because in our [black women's'] lives they are the most often experienced simultaneously". (Combahee River Collective Statement, pg. 504). The Combahee River Commonage articulated this interlocking organization of oppression based on sexism, heterosexism, racism, and classism due to the lack of basic human rights provided to black women in comparing to other groups, such as white women. All of this is crucial to the political beliefs of blackness feminism due to their departure among other groups, as they tackle boosted struggles don't necessarily need to fight for. Black feminism is the fight for recognition as human beings who just want the same treatment and rights every bit anybody else. White women fighting for feminism was different from black women fighting for black feminism, simply because they're just needing to address 1 oppression [sexism] versus an entire range of oppression, like blackness women. Therefore, the black feminists of the Combahee River Collective aimed for an inclusive, & not an exclusive, movement considering, "The major source of difficulty in our political work is that nosotros are not merely trying to fight oppression on one forepart or even two, just instead to accost a whole range of oppressions. We do not take racial, sexual, heterosexual, or class privilege to rely upon, nor exercise we have even the minimal access to resources and power that groups who possess any one of these types of privilege have…" (Combahee River Collective Statement, pg. 505).

Race, gender, and class discrimination are all aspects of the same organisation of hierarchy, which bong hooks calls the "imperialist white supremacist backer patriarchy". Due to their inter-dependency, they combine to create something more than experiencing racism and sexism independently. The experience of existence a Blackness woman, then, cannot exist grasped in terms of existence Blackness or of being a woman but must be illuminated via intersectionality,^[two] a term coined by legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989. Intersectionality indicates that each identity—beingness Black and beingness female person—should be considered both independently and for their interaction result, in which intersecting identities deepen, reinforce ane some other, and potentially lead to aggravated forms of inequality.^{[iii] [4]}

A Black feminist lens in the United states was kickoff employed by Blackness women to make sense of how white supremacy and patriarchy interacted to inform the particular experiences of enslaved Blackness women. Black activists and intellectuals formed organizations such every bit the National Association of Colored Women (NACW) and the National Council of Negro Women (NCNW).^[5] Black feminism rose to prominence in the 1960s, every bit the civil rights movement excluded women from leadership positions, and the mainstream feminist move largely focused its agenda on issues that predominately impacted heart-class White women. From the 1970s to 1980s, Blackness feminists formed groups that addressed the role of Black women in Black nationalism, gay liberation, and 2nd-moving ridge feminism. In the 1990s, the Anita Hill controversy brought Black feminism into the mainstream. Blackness feminist theories reached a wider audience in the 2010s every bit a result of social-media advocacy.^[6]

Proponents of Black feminism contend that Black women are positioned within structures of ability in fundamentally dissimilar ways than White women. In the early 21st century, the tag white feminist gained currency to criticize feminists who avoid problems of intersectionality.^[seven] Critics of Black feminism debate that divisions along the lines of race or gender weaken the forcefulness of the overall feminist and anti-racist movements.^[eight]

Amongst the notions that evolved out of the Blackness feminist movement are Alice Walker'south womanism and historical revisionism with an increased focus on Blackness women.^{[9] [10] [ folio needed ]} bell hooks, Kimberlé Crenshaw, Angela Davis, and Patricia Colina Collins have emerged as leading academics on Black feminism, while Black celebrities have encouraged mainstream discussion of Black feminism.^{[11] [12]}

Early history [edit]

18th century [edit]

Slavery is the seedbed of Black feminism. This peculiar institution has been the historic differentiation amongst Black women and other feminist women in the world, being the primary dominating differentiation between Black women and all women who place exterior of the Black or Africana Diaspora. The ideology of chattel inside the ethics of Slavery and U.Due south. laws includes Black women and their bodies which were controlled and experienced gender violence such as rape. Slave humanity was considered Blackness humanity within the grand scheme of U.S. laws regarding Black lives. Black women did not accept an identity inside or outside of Slavery as a result of patriarchy and racism, as the ii social ills ultimately created a infinite and customs to come known equally Black feminism. Black women were considered property and not people, they were the least. The cannon of Black life during Antebellum America would ultimately arts and crafts the minds of White women who would become feminists, as the organizational behavior of the institution of Slavery includes racism and classism which is a part of the roots and social foundation of some White feminists as a outcome of their White heritage. Intersectionality is embedded within the tapestry of feminist thought, and it is here where Black women and Black men came to a point in 1869 after being exposed to feminism within the Women's Suffrage Motility.

The sons and daughters of Slavery include those who would give nascency to the concept and contextualism of Black feminism which challenged the Women'southward Suffrage Move. Perhaps the historic response of an abolitionist within the Women'due south Suffrage Movement creates the notion that Frederick Douglas is the first Black male person feminist to create agency for the concept of Blackness feminism during the Women's Suffrage Motion of 1869. Although Western culture and ideologies such every bit the term coon and nigger created a different earth in the The states of America for Due west African descendants, the first true wave of feminism embodied ideas against all Blackness humanity; Douglas felt this wave; developing a state of mind and strong resistance to White power and White feminism within his leadership for Black equality. Blackness lives mattered to Frederick Douglas, and within all of his public works in history, he labored and travailed for Blackness humanity and freedom. The malaise of White thought and White supremacy gave birth to the daughters of racism who were a part of the Women's Suffrage Movement of 1869. Douglas was a son of liberation, i who demonstrated Black ability by mode of advocacy for Black women within the Women's Suffrage Movement. It was within this movement that a charlatan of equality by the name of Elizabeth Cady Stanton delivered a speech communication that presented Black women as inhumane, equally her celebrated speech within the Women's Suffrage Movement honorably described White women perhaps as elitist, referring to White women in her speech every bit "the Daughters of Jefferson",^[xiii] and intentionally describing Black women as daughters of "Sambo" and "black boot".^[14] Appalled and disdain to accept the racist ideas of Stanton, perhaps Frederick Douglas took his place as a Black male feminist by writing Stanton and asking the question, "What divergence is there between the daughters of Jefferson and other daughters"?^[15]

Black feminism has been around since the time of slavery. If defined as a way that Blackness women have sought to understand their position within systems of oppression, and then this is exemplified in Sojourner Truth's famous speech, "Ain't I a Woman?", which was delivered in 1851 at the Women'southward Convention in Akron, Ohio. Truth addressed how the issues being discussed at the convention were issues that primarily impacted White women.^[16]

The book, A Voice from the South (1892), past Anna Julia Cooper has been credited as one of the first pieces of literature that expresses a Blackness feminist perspective.^[v] Cooper'south contemporary, author and activist, Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, proposed "some of the well-nigh of import questions of race, gender, and the work of Reconstruction in the nineteenth century". According to Harper, White women needed suffrage for didactics, only "Black women need the vote, not as a class of education, but as a form of protection".^[17] In the 1890s Ida B. Wells, a politically driven activist, became famous for seeking to discover the truth about the lynching of Blackness men, a subject that many White feminists avoided.^[18]

1900 to 1960 [edit]

In the post slavery period, Blackness female intellectuals and activists, such as Sojourner Truth, Anna Julia Cooper, Ida B. Wells, Mary Church Terrell, and Frances Harper, gear up in motion the principles that would go the basis for Black feminism.^[xix] These women accomplished things that were previously unheard of for Blackness women, such every bit giving public lectures, fighting for suffrage, and aiding those in demand of aid following Reconstruction. Notwithstanding, fissures soon developed betwixt White feminists, even those who had been active in abolition, and pioneering Black feminists.

Suffrage was one of the early on areas of a schism betwixt White and Blackness feminists. Though feminism equally a motility was at a rise in the late 1800s and early 1900s, Black women were frequently left behind and disregarded by the White feminists of this motion. This, still, did non terminate the Black feminists, who would somewhen create a separate path for themselves fighting for the cause. Out of this, the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs (NACWC) founded in 1904, the National Clan for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) founded in 1909, and the National Clan of Wage Earners founded in 1921, were built-in.^[twenty]

Black writers of the early 1900s who undertook feminist themes included educator and activist Mary Church Terrell and Zora Neale Hurston. In her autobiography A Colored Woman in a White Globe (1940), Terrell chronicled her experiences with both racism and sexism.^[21] Hurston's substantial number of published works include the novel Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937) featuring a strong female protagonist in Janie Crawford.^[22]

Although the decades between the passage of the Nineteenth Subpoena to the Us Constitution (1920) and the 1960s are not included amid the "wave" periods of feminism, this was a peculiarly important moment in the development of Black feminist activism.^[17] During this period, a few radical Black female activists joined the Communist party or focused on matrimony activism. Although they did not all identify as feminists, their theorizing included of import works that are the foundation for theories of intersectionality—integrating race, gender, and class. In 1940, for example, Esther Five. Cooper (married name Esther Cooper Jackson) wrote a Thou.A. thesis called "The Negro Woman Domestic Worker in Relation to Trade Unionism".^[23] And in 1949, Claudia Jones wrote "An End to the Fail of the Problems of the Negro Woman".^[24]

Other feminist activism and organizing happened around different cases of racial and sexual violence. For example, Esther Cooper and Rosa Parks organized to help Recy Taylor. In 1944, Taylor was the victim of a gang rape; Parks and Cooper attempted to bring the culprits to justice.^[25] Black feminist activists focused on other similar cases, such equally the 1949 arrest of and then capital punishment issued to Rosa Lee Ingram, a victim of sexual violence. Defenders of Ingram included the famous Black feminist Mary Church building Terrell, who was an octogenarian at the fourth dimension.^[26]

Despite oft initiating protests, organizing and fundraising events, communicating to the community, and formulating strategies, women in positions of leadership are often disregarded past historians covering the civil rights movement, which began in earnest in the 1950s.^[27] Many events, such equally the Montgomery bus boycott, were made successful due to the women who distributed data. During the Montgomery bus cold-shoulder, 35,000 leaflets were mimeographed and handed out after Rosa Parks' arrest. Georgia Gilmore, after existence fired from her job every bit a cook and black-listed from other jobs in Montgomery due to her contributions to the boycott, organized the Lodge From Nowhere, a grouping that cooked and baked to fund the effort.^[28]

Later history [edit]

1960s and 1970s [edit]

Ceremonious rights movement [edit]

In the second half of the 20th century, Black feminism as a political and social movement grew out of Black women'due south feelings of discontent with both the ceremonious rights movement and the feminist motility of the 1960s and 1970s. Ane of the foundational statements of left-fly Black feminism is "An Argument for Black Women's Liberation as a Revolutionary Force", authored by Mary Ann Weathers and published in February 1969 in Cell 16's radical feminist mag No More Fun and Games: A Journal of Female Liberation.^[29] Weathers states her belief that "women's liberation should be considered every bit a strategy for an eventual necktie-up with the entire revolutionary movement consisting of women, men, and children", but she posits that "[w]eastward women must first this affair rolling" because:

All women endure oppression, even white women, peculiarly poor white women, and especially Indian, Mexican, Puerto Rican, Oriental and Blackness American women whose oppression is tripled past any of the in a higher place-mentioned. But we do have females' oppression in common. This means that we tin begin to talk to other women with this common factor and outset building links with them and thereby build and transform the revolutionary force we are at present commencement to amass.^[29]

Not merely did the civil rights movement primarily focus on the oppression of Blackness men, but many Black women faced severe sexism inside civil rights groups such every bit the Student Irenic Coordinating Committee.^[thirty] Within the motion, men dominated the powerful positions. Blackness feminists did not want the motility to exist the struggle only for Blackness men's rights, they wanted Blackness women's rights to be incorporated too.^[31] Black feminists also felt they needed to have their own movement considering the complaints of White feminists sometimes differed from their ain and favored White women.^[32]

In the 1960s, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was highly active and focused on achieving "a social gild of justice" through peaceful tactics. The SNCC was founded by Ella Bakery. Baker was a member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Southern Christian Leadership Quango (SCLC). When Bakery served as Martin Luther King Jr.'s SCLC executive secretary, she was exposed to the hierarchical structure of the organization. Baker disapproved of what she saw as sexism within both the NAACP and the SCLC and wanted to start her own organization with an egalitarian structure, allowing women to voice their needs.^{[30] [33]}

In 1964, at a SNNC retreat in Waveland, Mississippi, the members discussed the role of women and addressed sexism that occurred within the group.^[34] A group of women in the SNCC (who were later identified as White allies Mary Male monarch and Casey Hayden) openly challenged the style women were treated when they issued the "SNCC Position Paper (Women in the Movement)".^[35] The newspaper listed xi events in which women were treated every bit subordinate to men. According to the paper, women in SNCC did not accept a chance to become the face up of the organization, the pinnacle leaders, considering they were assigned to clerical and housekeeping duties, whereas men were involved in decision-making.^[36]

When Stokely Carmichael was elected chair of the SNCC in 1966, he reoriented the path of the organization towards Blackness Ability and Blackness nationalism.^{[37] [38]} While it is often argued that Black women in the SNCC were significantly subjugated during the Carmichael era, Carmichael appointed several women to posts equally project directors during his tenure as chair. By the latter half of the 1960s, more women were in charge of SNCC projects than during the first half.^[39] Despite these improvements, the SNCC's leadership positions were occupied by men during the entirety of its existence, which ended in turmoil within a few years of Carmichael'south resignation from the body in 1967.^[40]

The unofficial symbol of Black feminism in the late 60s, a combination of the raised fist of Black Ability, and the astrological symbol for Venus, denoted an intersection of ideals of Black Power and militant feminism. Some ideals were shared, such as a "critique on racial capitalism, starting with slavery". Despite this, Black feminism had reasons to become contained of Black nationalism, according to some critics, because it had accomplished just a niche within the mostly sexist and masculinist structure of Blackness nationalism.^{[41] [42]}

Second-wave feminism [edit]

The second-moving ridge feminist move emerged in the 1960s, led past Betty Friedan. Some Black women felt alienated by the master planks of the mainstream branches of the second-moving ridge feminist motion, which largely advocated for women'due south rights to work exterior the home and expansion of reproductive rights. For example, earning the power to work outside the abode was not seen every bit an accomplishment past Black women since many Black women had to work both inside and exterior the home for generations due to poverty.^[43] Additionally, as Angela Davis afterwards wrote, while Afro-American women and White women were subjected to multiple unwilled pregnancies and had to clandestinely abort, Afro-American women were likewise suffering from compulsory sterilization programs that were not widely included in dialogue about reproductive justice.^[44]

Some Blackness feminists who were agile in the early second-wave feminism include civil rights lawyer and writer Florynce Kennedy, who co-authored one of the starting time books on ballgame, 1971's Ballgame Rap; Cellestine Ware, of New York'due south Stanton-Anthony Brigade; and Patricia Robinson. These women "tried to evidence the connections between racism and male dominance" in guild.^[45]

Fighting against racism and sexism across the White dominated 2nd wave feminist movement and male dominated Black Power and Black Arts Movement, Black feminist groups of artists such equally Where We At! Black Women Artists Inc were formed in the early on 1970s. The "Where Nosotros At" group was formed in 1971 by artists Vivian E. Browne and Faith Ringgold.^[46] During the summertime of that year, the grouping organized the showtime exhibition in history of only Black women artists to show the viewing public that Black creative person was not synonymous with Black male artist.^[47] In 1972 Where We At! issued a list of demands to the Brooklyn Museum protesting what it saw every bit the museum's ignoring of Brooklyn's Blackness women artists. The demands brought forth changes and years later, in 2017, the museum's showroom "We Wanted a Revolution: Black Radical Women 1965-1985" celebrated the work of Black women artists who were role of the Blackness Arts and Black Power movements.^[48]

During the 20th century, Blackness feminism evolved quite differently from mainstream feminism. In the late 1900s it was influenced by new writers such equally Alice Walker whose literary works spawned the term Womanism, which emphasized the degree of the oppression Black women faced when compared to White women and, for her, encompassed "the solidarity of humanity".^[19]

Black lesbian feminism [edit]

Black lesbian feminism, as a political identity and movement, arose out of a compound set of grievances involving race, gender, social grade, besides equally sexual orientation.^[49] Black lesbian women were often unwelcome in male person-dominated Black movements, and tended to be marginalized not simply in mainstream 2d wave feminism (as exemplified by Betty Friedan who held off making lesbian rights part of her political agenda) but also inside the lesbian feminist movement itself. Here the problem was maybe one more of class than of race. Amongst lesbian feminism'due south largely White, middle class leadership, the butch/femme sexual fashion, fairly mutual among Black and working grade lesbian pairings, was ofttimes deprecated as a degrading simulated of male boss heterosexuality.^[50]

During the 1970s lesbian feminists created their own sector of feminism in response to the unwillingness of mainstream second wave feminism to embrace their cause. They developed a militant agenda, broadly challenging homophobia and demanding a respected identify inside feminism. Some advocated and experimented with every bit consummate a social separation from men every bit possible. These separatist notions were off-putting to Blackness lesbian feminists involved in Black Ability movements and tended to deepen their feelings of alienation from a largely White-led movement. As Anita Cornwell stated, "When the shooting starts any Black is fair game. the bullets don't give a damn whether I slumber with a woman or a man".^[51]

In 1970, a defining moment for Black lesbian feminists occurred at the Black Panther'south Revolutionary People's Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Several Blackness lesbian feminists confronted a grouping of White lesbian feminists near what they saw as a racially divisive agenda. Following this upshot, several groups began to include and organize around Blackness lesbian politics. For example, in 1973, the National Black Feminist Organization was founded and included a lesbian agenda.^[51] In 1975, the Combahee River Commonage was founded out of experiences and feelings of sexism in the Black Power movements and racism in the lesbian feminist movement.^[50] The primary focus of this collective was to fight what they saw as interlocking systems of oppression and raise awareness of these systems.^[52]

In 1978, the National Coalition of Blackness Lesbians and Gay Men was founded.^[51] In addition to the multiple organizations that focused on Black lesbian feminism, in that location were many authors that contributed to this movement, such every bit Audre Lorde, Barbara Smith, Pat Parker, June Jordan, Darlene Pagano, Kate Rushin, Doris Davenport, Cheryl Clarke, Margaret Sloan-Hunter, and a number of others.^[53]

1980s and 1990s [edit]

This section needs expansion. You can assistance by adding to information technology. (October 2020)

In the early on 1990s, AWARE (African Adult female's Action for Revolutionary Exchange) was formed in New York past Reena Walker and Laura Peoples subsequently a plenary session on Blackness women's issues held at the Malcolm 10 Conference at the Borough of Manhattan Community College (BMCC) entitled Black Women and Blackness Liberation: Fighting Oppression and Edifice Unity.^[54] In 1991, the Malcolm X Briefing was held over again at BMCC, and the theme that year was "Sisters Remember Malcolm Ten: A Legacy to be Transformed". It featured plenary sessions, a workshop on "Sexual Harassment: Race, Gender and Power", and was held in a much larger theater that year. Black women were a central focus and not an aside as they were prior. Speakers included Sonia Sanchez, Audre Lorde, Verniece Miller, Reena Walker, Carol Bullard (Asha Bandele), and Vivian Morrison.^[55] At the same fourth dimension, Reena Walker, along with the members of Aware, also worked in coalition with AWIDOO (American Women in Defense of Ourselves), formed past Barbara Ransby, to sign a full-page ad in The New York Times to stand in back up of Anita Hill.^[56]

In 1995, Reena Walker went on to put out the call to various women and organized the group African Americans Against Violence^[57] that finer stopped a parade that a group of reverends led by Al Sharpton were attempting to concur in Harlem for Mike Tyson.^[58] The group, including Eve and Kathe Sandler, Nsia Bandele, and Indigo Washington, worked successfully to end the parade from happening, bringing attention to the struggle of Black women against sexism and domestic violence.^[59] A supporter of Mike Tyson, social worker Bill Jones, exclaimed "The human being has paid his debt" (in regards to Tyson's rape confidence), and joined a big group of other Tyson supporters in heckling the African Americans Against Violence group, accusing them of "catering to white radical feminists".^[59]

Hip-hop culture [edit]

A particularly imminent medium of oppression for Blackness women in the 1990s was hip-hop music. During that time, there was little endeavour to limited Black feminism through the music. The New York hip-hop scene was mainly dominated my men in the 1990s, and nigh producers were focused on rap superstars Notorious B.I.G. and Sean "Diddy" Combs. Iii female emcees tin be credited to take expanded Black womanhood in music during this fourth dimension. Lil' Kim who was signed to Biggie Smalls' Inferior G.A.F.I.A. Imprint, expressed her bulletin very chop-chop.^[60]

She achieved an epitome of tearing independence and comfort with her body. She defied the presumption in hip-hop that women are in that location to apprehensive the presence of men. Lil' Kim'south outspokenness and unprecedented lyrics were rejected past many people who believed in the traditional sound of hip-hop. Lil' Kim stood backside her words and never apologized for who she is. Faith Evans is another female emcee who broke barriers in the hip-hop world. At merely 21 years erstwhile, she was the first female person artist signed to Bad Boy Records. Organized religion Evans spent more than 20 years in the music business organisation fighting gender bigotry and harassment in an industry where men were the ascendant content creators and producers.^[lx]

Mary J. Blige was another artist who became an abet of women empowerment in hip-hop. She was a legendary singer who influenced the Bad Boy Records characterization, although she was never signed past them. Together, these women shared a sense of liberty in the music business organisation that allowed them to bring women together across the world. There was a new perspective in the spot light that swung the pendulum in a unlike management and gave women in hip-hop a voice.^[60]

21st century [edit]

[edit]

The new century has brought nigh a shift in thinking abroad from "traditional" feminism. 3rd-wave feminism claimed the need for more intersectionality in feminist activism and the inclusion of Black and other ethnic minority women. Moreover, the advancement of technology fostered the development of a new digital feminism. This online activism involved the use of Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Tumblr, and other forms of social media to discuss gender equality and social justice. According to NOW Toronto, the internet created a "telephone call-out" culture, in which sexism or misogyny can be called out and challenged immediately with relative ease.

Every bit an academic response to this shift, many scholars incorporated queer of color critique into their discussions of feminism and queer theory.^{[61] [62]} Queer of color critiques seeks an intersectional arroyo to misidentifying with the larger themes of "radicalized heteronormativity and heteropatriarchy" in guild to create a more representative and revolutionary critique of social categories.^{[63] [64] [65]} An case of queer of color critique tin be seen in the Combahee River Collective's argument, which addresses the intersectionality of oppressions faced by Black lesbians.^[66]

The 2010s saw a revitalization of Black feminism. Every bit more influential figures began to place themselves equally feminist, social media saw a rise in young Black feminists willing to bring racist and sexist situations to light.^[67] Brittney Cooper, assistant professor in the Department of Women's and Gender Studies at Rutgers Academy, said: "I think Black feminism is in one of the strongest moments it has seen in a while; From Melissa Harris-Perry on MSNBC, to Laverne Cox on Orange Is the New Black to Beyoncé ... we have prominent Black women [sic] identifying publicly with the term."^[68]

Social media served as a medium for Black feminists to express praise or discontent with organizations' representations of Black women. For example, the 2015 and 2016 Victoria'south Underground Fashion Shows were commended past Ebony mag for letting four Black models wear their natural pilus on the rails. Black feminists on social media showed support for the natural hair movement using the hashtags #melanin and #BlackGirlmagic.^[69]

Blackness Girl Magic (#BlackGirlMagic) is a movement that was popularized by CaShawn Thompson in 2013.^[70] The concept was born as a way to "gloat the beauty, power and resilience of Blackness women". Thompson began to apply the hashtag #BlackGirlsAreMagic in 2013 to speak near the positive achievements of Black women. Although information technology was popularized on social media, the move has inspired many organizations to host events using the title, along with support from celebrities and politicians globally.

Alleged instances of the "appropriation" of Blackness culture were commented on. For case, a 2015 Vogue Italy photo shoot involving model Gigi Hadid wearing an afro sparked backlash on Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook. Some users claimed it was problematic and racist to take a not-Black model wear an afro and a fake tan to requite the advent of Blackness when the fashion mag could have hired a Black model instead.^[71] Kearie Daniel wrote that White people wearing certain hairstyles is a particularly touchy subject in Black feminism because of the perceived double standard that when White women wear Black hairstyles, they are accounted "trendy" or "edgy", while Blackness women are labelled "ghetto" or "unprofessional".^[72]

Black feminists besides voiced the importance of increasing "representation" of Black women in television and movies. According to a 2014 report past the Academy of Southern California, of the 100 top films of that twelvemonth, "nearly three-quarters of all characters were white", NPR reports, and only 17 of those 100 top movies featured non-White lead or co-lead actors. That number falls farther when only looking at non-White women leads, considering only one-3rd of speaking roles were for women,^[73] according to the same study.^[74]

Blackness Lives Matter [edit]

The activist movement Black Lives Affair was initially formed past Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Kahn-Cullors as a hashtag to campaign confronting racism and law brutality against African Americans in the The states.^[75] The move contributed to a revitalization and re-examining of the Black feminist movement.^[76] While the deaths of Black men played a major function in the Black Lives Matter motion, Rekia Boyd, Michelle Cusseaux, Tanisha Anderson, Shelly Frey, Yvette Smith, Eleanor Bumpurs, Sandra Bland, and other women were also killed or assaulted by police officers.^[77]

While Black Lives Thing has been critiqued for a failure to focus on Black women'due south treatment by the constabulary, information technology has since been better about incorporating the interlocking systems of oppression that disadvantage Black women in particular.^{[78] [79]} Activism of Black feminists in Blackness Lives Matter has included protests against political candidates such as Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, and Hillary Clinton, and they have used hashtags such as #oscarssowhite and #sayhername.^[lxxx]

Blackness feminist identity politics and safety spaces [edit]

Black feminist identity politics can be defined as knowing and understanding i's ain identity while taking into consideration both personal experience besides equally the experiences of those in history to assist class a group of like-minded individuals who seek modify in the political framework of lodge.^[81] It also can be defined every bit a rejection of oppressive measures taken confronting i's group, especially in terms of political injustice.^[81]

Black feminist writer Patricia Colina Collins believes that this "outsider within" seclusion suffered by Black women was created through the domestic sphere, where Black women were considered carve up from the perceived White elite who claimed their potency over them.^[82] They also felt a disconnect between the Black men's suffering and oppression.^[82] As a outcome of White feminists excluding Black women from their soapbox, Blackness feminists expressed their own experiences of marginalization and empowered Black consciousness in society.^[82] Due to the diverse experiences of Blackness women, it is imperative to Collins to speak for and of personal accounts of Black women'southward oppression.^[82]

Identity politics accept often implemented race, class, and gender every bit isolated categories every bit a means of excluding those who aren't perceived as office of the dominant grouping.^[83] These constructed biases formed from race, class, and gender are what feminist Kimberlé Crenshaw believes need to be used, not as a means of degradation, only as a grade of empowerment and self-worth.^[83] Ignoring these differences only creates more of a divide between social movements and other feminist groups, especially in the instance of violence confronting women where the caliber of violence is correlated with components such as race and course.^[83]

Another upshot of identity politics is the disharmonize of group formations and safety spaces for Blackness women.^[81] In the 1970s, increased literacy among Black women promoted writing and scholarship as an outlet for feminist discourse where they could have their voices heard.^[81] Every bit a event, Black women sought solace in rubber spaces that gave them the liberty to talk over issues of oppression and segregation that ultimately promoted unity as well as a means of achieving social justice.^[81]

Every bit the notion of colour-blindness advocated for a desegregation in institutions, Black women faced new issues of identity politics and looked for a new prophylactic space to express their concerns.^[81] This was met with a lot of contention, as people saw these Blackness female groups as exclusive and separatist.^[81] Ascendant groups, especially involved in the political sphere, plant these safety spaces threatening considering they were away from the public eye and were therefore unable to be regulated past the college and more powerful political groups.^[81]

Despite the growth in feminist discourse regarding Blackness identity politics, some men disagree with the Black feminist identity politics move.^[84] Some Blackness novelists, such as Kwame Anthony Appiah, uphold the notion of colour-blindness and dismiss identity politics every bit a proper means of achieving social justice.^[84] To him, identity politics is an exclusionary device implemented in Black culture and history, like hip hop and jazz, that limit outsider comprehension and access.^[84] Nonetheless, writer Jeffery A. Tucker believes that identity politics serves as a foundation where such color-blindness can finally be accomplished in the long run if implemented and understood inside social club.^[84]

Organizations [edit]

Black feminist organizations faced some different challenges than other feminist organizations. Firstly, these women had to "testify to other Black women that feminism was not merely for white women".^[85] They as well had to demand that White women "share ability with them and affirm variety" and "fight the misogynist tendencies of Blackness Nationalism".^[85]

The short-lived National Blackness Feminist Organization was founded in 1973 in New York by Margaret Sloan-Hunter and others (The NBFO stopped operating nationally in 1975).^[86] This organization of women focused on the interconnectedness of the many prejudices faced by African-American women, such as racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia.^[87] In 1975, Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith, Cheryl L. Clarke, Akasha Gloria Hull, and other female activists tied to the civil rights movement, Blackness nationalism, or the Blackness Panther Party established, as an offshoot of the National Black Feminist Organization, the Combahee River Collective, a radical lesbian feminist group.^[88]

Their founding text referred to of import female figures of the abolitionist motility, such as Sojourner Truth, Harriet Tubman, Frances E. West. Harper, Ida B. Welles Barnett, and Mary Church Terrell, president of the National Association of Colored Women founded in 1896. The Combahee River Collective opposed the practice of lesbian separatism, because that, in do, separatists focused exclusively on sexist oppression and not on other oppressions (race, class, etc.)^[88]

The Combahee River Collective was 1 of the nearly of import Black socialist feminist organizations of all time. This grouping began coming together in Boston in 1974, a time when socialist feminism was thriving in Boston. The proper name Combahee River Commonage was suggested by the founder and African-American lesbian feminist, Barbara Smith, and refers to the entrada led past Harriet Tubman, who freed 750 slaves nearly the Combahee River in Southward Carolina in 1863. Smith said they wanted the name to mean something to African-American women and that "it was a way of talking about ourselves being on a continuum of Black struggle, of Black women's struggle".^[89]

The members of this arrangement consisted of many one-time members of other political organizations that worked within the ceremonious rights motility, anti-war movement, labor motility, and others. Demita Frazier, co-founder of the Combahee River Collective, says these women from other movements found themselves "in disharmonize with the lack of a feminist analysis and in many cases were left feeling divided against [themselves]."^[ninety] The Combahee River Collective argued in 1974 that the liberation of Black women entails freedom for all people, since it would require the cease of racism, sexism, and class oppression.^[91]

As an organization, they were labeled as troublemakers, and many said they were brainwashed by the man-hating White feminist, that they didn't take their own mind, and they were just following in the White adult female'south footsteps.^[xc] Throughout the 1970s, the Combahee River Collective met weekly to discuss the different issues concerning Blackness feminists. They likewise held retreats throughout the Northeast from 1977 to 1979 to assist "institutionalize Blackness feminism" and develop an "ideological separation from white feminism".^[90]

Equally an organization, they founded a local battered women's shelter and worked in partnership with all community activists, women and men, and gay and straight people, playing an active role in the reproductive rights movement.^[90] The Combahee River Collective ended their work together in 1980 and is at present almost widely remembered for developing the Combahee River Collective Statement, a cardinal document in the history of contemporary Black feminism and the development of the concepts of identity.^[90]

Blackness feminist literature [edit]

The importance of identity [edit]

Michelle Cliff believes that in that location is continuity "in the written work of many African American Women, ... you can depict a line from the slave narrative of Linda Brent to Elizabeth Keckley's life, to Their Optics were Watching God (by Zora Neale Hurston) to Coming of Age in Mississippi (Anne Moody) to Sula (by Toni Morrison), to the Salt Eaters (by Toni Cade Bambara) to Praise Song for the Widow (past Paule Marshall)." Cliff believes that all of these women, through their stories, "Piece of work against the odds to merits the 'I'".^[92]

Examples [edit]

• 2011, Black Internationalist Feminism: Women Writers of the Black Left, 1945-1995 by Cheryl Higashida^[93] looks at Black women writers and their contributions to the feminist move; specifically the Blackness feminist movement. Higashida "illustrates how literature is a crucial lens for studying Black internationalist feminism considering these authors were at the forefront of bringing the perspectives and bug of black women to low-cal confronting their marginalization and silencing." Included in her work are writers such every bit Rosa Guy, Lorraine Hansberry, Audre Lorde, and Maya Angelou.
• 1970, Black Woman'southward Manifesto, published by the Tertiary World Women's Alliance, argued for a specificity of oppression against Black women. Co-signed by Gayle Lynch, Eleanor Holmes Norton, Maxine Williams, Frances M Aggravate, and Linda La Rue, the manifesto, opposing both racism and capitalism, stated that "the Black adult female is demanding a new ready of female definitions and a recognition of herself of a denizen, companion, and confidant, non a matriarchal villain or a step stool baby-maker. Function integration advocates the complementary recognition of homo and adult female, not the competitive recognition of same."^[94] Additionally, Toni Cade Bambara edited the eclectic volume The Black Woman: An Anthology (1970) which sought to "explore ourselves and set up the tape straight on the matriarch and the evil Black bitch."^[95] It featured now considered canonical essays, such every bit Frances Beal'south "Double Jeopardy: To Be Black and Female person" and Toni Cade Bambara's "On the Issue of Roles."
• 1979, Barbara Smith and Lorraine Bethel edited the Autumn 1979 issue of Conditions. Conditions 5 was "the first widely distributed collection of Black feminist writing in the U.S."^[96]
• 1992, Black feminists mobilized "a remarkable national response" to the Anita Colina-Clarence Thomas Senate Hearings in 1991, naming their attempt African American Women in Defence force of Ourselves.^[97]
• 1994, Evelyn Hammonds: "Black (Westward)holes and The Geometry of Black Female Sexuality"

Evelyn Hammonds begins her essay past reflecting, as a Blackness lesbian and feminist writer, on the "consistently exclusionary practices of lesbian and gay studies" that produce such problematic paucities as the presence of writers of color, manufactures written on Black women's sexuality past Blackness women that complexly examine race in representations of gender, and the visibility of Black lesbian experiences (Hammonds, 127). Hammonds articulates how Whiteness defines the approved "categories, identities, and subject positions" of lesbian and gay studies and depends on maintaining and presupposing patterns of Black women and Black lesbian sexualities' invisibility and absence (Hammonds, 128).

This articulation is directly linked to Hammonds' business concern about the visibility and audibility of Black queer sexualities, since Black women'due south sexualities are perceived as always invisible or absent, then lesbian and queer Black women and authors must follow as doubly invisible. While White sexuality as the normative sexuality has been challenged by other writers, Hammonds frames her intervention as reaching beyond the limits of this familiar critique. To finer challenge the hegemony of Whiteness within Queer theory, Hammonds charges lack feminists with the major projects of reclaiming sexuality and so that Black women and their sexualities may register as present and ability relations betwixt White women and Black women's expression of gender and sexuality becomes a function of theory making within Queer studies (Hammonds, 131).

Black holes go a metaphor used to stage an intervention within Queer theory—Hammonds mobilizes this astrophysical miracle to provide a new way to approach the human relationship between less visible (but still present) Black female person sexualities and the more visible (but not normal) White sexualities. Hammonds writes that in Queer studies' "theorizing of difference" White female person sexualities hold the position of visibility which is "theoretically dependent upon an absent however-ever-present pathologized Black female sexuality" (Hammonds, 131).

• 2000, in her introduction to the 2000 reissue of the 1983 Blackness feminist anthology Abode Girls, theorist and writer Barbara Smith states her opinion that "to this 24-hour interval almost Black women are unwilling to jeopardize their 'racial brownie' (as divers by Black men) to address the realities of sexism."^[98] Smith also notes that "even fewer are willing to bring up homophobia and heterosexism, which are, of class, inextricably linked to gender oppression."^[98]

The involvement of Pat Parker in the Black feminist movement was reflected in her writings as a poet. Her work inspired other Black feminist poets such as Hattie Gossett.^[99]

In 2018, Carol Giardian wrote an article, "Mow to At present: Blackness Feminism Resets the Chronology of the Founding of Mod Feminism", which explores Black women and their interest with the organizing of the 1963 March on Washington (MOW). Particular focus is given to how this was pivotal to the shift of feminist organizing of the 1960s. Many activists are noted, including Dorothy Elevation, Pauli Murray, and Anna Arnold Hedgeman. Facing downwardly powerful male figures of the Blackness church, they established feminist protest models that they subsequently used to inform the establishment of the National Organization for Women in 1966.^[100]

Other theorists and writers who have contributed to the literature of Black feminism include Moya Bailey and Trudy of Gradient Lair, who both write virtually the anti-Black and/or racist misogyny against Black women, also known every bit misogynoir, a term coined by Bailey in 2008. In 2018, both these women wrote an article named "On Misogynoir: Commendation, erasure and plagiarism", which talks about the works of Blackness feminists often existence plagiarized or erased from most literary works, also implicitly and sometimes explicitly linked to gender oppression, peculiarly for women of color.^[101]

Misogynoir is grounded in the theory of intersectionality; it examines how identities such as race, gender, and sexual orientation connect in systems of oppression. Modern-day Black activists, such every bit Feminista Jones, a feminist commentator, merits that "Misogynoir provides a racialised nuance that mainstream feminism wasn't communicable" and that "there is a specific misogyny that is aimed at Black women and is uniquely detrimental to Blackness women."^[102]

Meet as well [edit]

• Womanism
• African-American women's suffrage movement
• Blackness Girl Magic
• Black matriarchy
• Intersectionality
• Misogyny in hip hop culture
  • From Black Power to Hip Hop: Racism, Nationalism, and Feminism
  • Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism
• PaVEM
• Postcolonial feminism
• Purplewashing
• Separatist feminism
• Tertiary World feminism
• Triple oppression

References [edit]

1. ^ Combahee River Commonage (1978). "The Combahee River Commonage: A Blackness Feminist Statement". In Eisenstein, Zillah R. (ed.). Capitalist Patriarchy and the Instance for Socialist Feminism. pp. 362–372. ISBN9780853454199.
2. ^ "Monthly Review | A Black Feminist Argument". Monthly Review. Jan one, 2019. Retrieved October 13, 2020.
3. ^ Crenshaw, Kimberlé (January one, 1989). "Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sexual activity: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics". The Academy of Chicago Legal Forum. 140: 139–167.
4. ^ "Intersectionality: The Double Bind of Race and Gender" (PDF).
5. ^ ^{a b} James, Stanlie K. (2003) [2000]. "Black feminism(southward)". In Lawmaking, Lorraine (ed.). Encyclopedia of feminist theories. Abingdon and New York: Routledge. pp. 54–56. ISBN978-0-415-13274-9. OCLC 43060471.
6. ^ Jamilah, Lemieux (March 3, 2014). "Black Feminism Goes Viral". Ebony . Retrieved August 12, 2015.
7. ^ Blay, Zeba; Gray, Emma (August 10, 2015). "Why We Need To Talk About White Feminism". The Huffington Post . Retrieved August 12, 2015.
8. ^ Epstein, Barbara (May 2001). "What Happened to the Women's Motility?". Monthly Review . Retrieved August 12, 2015.
9. ^ Williams, Sherley Anne, "Some implications of womanist theory", Callaloo (1986): 303–308.
10. ^ James, Joy (2014). Transcending the Talented Tenth: Black Leaders and American Intellectuals. Routledge.
11. ^ Hare, Breeanna (December 12, 2014). "Beyonce opens upward on feminism, fame and spousal relationship". CNN . Retrieved Baronial 12, 2015.
12. ^ Tinsley, Omise'eke Natasha (November 7, 2014). "Blackness Feminism Lite? More Like Beyoncé Has Taught Us Black Feminism Light". The Huffington Mail . Retrieved August 12, 2015.
13. ^ Mercadante, Linda (Spring 1988). "Roundtable Discussion: Racism in the Women's Movement". Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion. 4: 93–114.
14. ^ Mercadante, Linda (Bound 1988). "Rountable Word: Racism in the Women's Move". Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion. 4: 93–114.
15. ^ Mercadante, Linda (Spring 2018). "Roundtable Discussion: Racism in the Women's Movement". Journal of Feminist Studies in Organized religion. 4: 93–114.
16. ^ "Black feminism and intersectionality | International Socialist Review". isreview.org . Retrieved October viii, 2018.
17. ^ ^{a b} Hewitt, Nancy (2010). No Permanent Waves: Recasting Histories of U.Due south. Feminism. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. ISBN978-0813547251.
18. ^ "Ida B. Wells-Barnett". National Women'due south History Museum . Retrieved April xv, 2019.
19. ^ ^{a b} Patricia, Hill Collins (2009). Black feminist thought : knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment ([second ed.] ed.). New York. ISBN978-0415964722. OCLC 245597448.
20. ^ Taylor, Ula (1998). "The Historical Evolution of Black Feminist Theory and Praxis". Journal of Black Studies. 29 (2): 234–253. doi:10.1177/002193479802900206. ISSN 0021-9347. JSTOR 2668091. S2CID 144636119.
21. ^ Shaw, Esther Popel (Jan 1941). "Mary Church Terrell and H. G. Wells, A Colored Woman in a White World". The Periodical of Negro History. 26 (1): 108–110. doi:10.2307/2715052. ISSN 0022-2992. JSTOR 2715052.
22. ^ "Zora Neale Hurston". National Women'south History Museum . Retrieved Apr 15, 2019.
23. ^ McDuffie, Eric (2008). "Esther 5. Cooper's "The Negro Adult female Domestic Worker in Relation to Trade Unionism": Black Left Feminism and the Pop Front". American Communist History. 7 (ii): 203–209. doi:10.1080/14743890802580040. S2CID 159993069.
24. ^ McDuffie, Eric (2009). Sojourning for Freedom: Black Women, American Communism, and the Making of Black Left Feminism. Durham: Knuckles University Press. p. 171. ISBN978-0822350507.
25. ^ McGuire, Danielle (2010). At the Night End of the Street: Black Women, Rape, and Resistance—A New History of the Civil Rights Movement. New York Urban center: Random Business firm. pp. 3–48. ISBN978-0307389244.
26. ^ Biondi, Martha (2006). To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York Metropolis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 198–199. ISBN9780674019829.
27. ^ Jenkins and Perrow. "Insurgency of the powerless: Farmworkers movements".
28. ^ Barrnet, Bernice. "Invisible Southern Black Women Leaders in the Civil Rights Move: The Triple Constraints of Gender, Race, and Class".
29. ^ ^{a b} Weathers, Mary Ann (Feb 1969). "An Argument For Black Women's Liberation As a Revolutionary Force", No More than Fun and Games: A Periodical of Female person Liberation, Cambridge, Mass, by Cell xvi vol. 1, no. 2.
30. ^ ^{a b} Delaney, Paul. "Dorothy Pinnacle and the Sexism of the Civil Rights Movement". The Root . Retrieved Apr 30, 2019.
31. ^ Marilyn Dell Brady (March 2000). "Cynthia Griggs Fleming. Shortly We Volition Non Cry: The Liberation of Cherry-red Doris Smith Robinson". archive.mith.umd.edu (Review). Retrieved April 30, 2019.
32. ^ Hickman, Mark S (1989). "Feminism: Black Women on the Edge". Organization for the Study of Communication Language and Gender: 5.
33. ^ "The Object of History | Behind the Scenes with the Curators of the National Museum of American History".
34. ^ Urban, Dennis J. (2002). "The Women of SNCC: Struggle, Sexism, and the Emergence of Feminist Consciousness, 1960–66". The International Social Science Review.
35. ^ SNCC position paper: Women in the Movement, Anonymous.
36. ^ Women & Men in the Freedom Movement ~ Civil Rights Motion Archive.
37. ^ "Carmichael, Stokely". The Martin Luther Rex, Jr., Research and Education Institute. Apr 25, 2017. Retrieved April 30, 2019.
38. ^ Stokely Carmichael, Blackness Ability, 1967.
39. ^ Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Liberty Motion: A Radical Democratic Vision (University of North Carolina Press, 2003), pp. 310–311.
40. ^ Fairclough, Adam (2002). Better Day Coming: Blacks and Equality, 1890–2000. Penguin.
41. ^ "Black Power and the Gendered Imaginary – AAIHS". Apr 26, 2018. Retrieved April 30, 2019.
42. ^ Weibaum, Alys Eve. "Gendering the Full general Strike: Due west.E.B. Du Bois'due south Black Reconstruction and Black Feminism's "Propaganda of History"". South Atlantic Quarterly.
43. ^ Brenner, Marker; Luce, Stephanie (2006). "Women and Class: What Has Happened in Forty Years?". Monthly Review . Retrieved August xiii, 2015.
44. ^ Angela Davis, Women, Race and Class (1981), ISBN 0-394-71351-6.
45. ^ Echols, Alice. Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America 1967–1975, Academy of Minnesota Printing, 1990, ISBN 0-8166-1787-2, pp. 291, 383.
46. ^ Marker Godfrey, "The Black Emergency Cultural Coalition" in Soul of a Nation: Art in The Age of Blackness Power (New York: D.A.P./Distributed Art Publishers Inc., 2017), 111
47. ^ Catherine Morris and Rujeko Hockley eds. We Wanted a Revolution Black Radical Women 1965–1985: A Sourcebook. Brooklyn: Brooklyn Museum, 2017, Please note the original article written by Kay Dark-brown was published equally "Where Nosotros At" in Feminist Art Journal (Apr. 1972): 25.
48. ^ Watts, J. (June ane, 2006). "The Blackness Arts Movement: Literary Nationalism in the 1960s and 1970s". Journal of American History. 93 (1): 288–289. doi:10.2307/4486205. ISSN 0021-8723. JSTOR 4486205.
49. ^ "Feminists Nosotros Love: Kaila Adia Story – The Feminist Wire". The Feminist Wire. March 29, 2013. Retrieved April 16, 2018.
50. ^ ^{a b} "Lesbian Feminism, 1960s and 1970s · Lesbians in the Twentieth Century, 1900-1999 · outhistory.org". outhistory.org . Retrieved Apr xviii, 2018.
51. ^ ^{a b c} "Lesbian Feminism – Dictionary definition of Lesbian Feminism | Encyclopedia.com: FREE online dictionary". www.encyclopedia.com . Retrieved Apr 19, 2018.
52. ^ Combahee River Collective (1978). A Blackness Feminist Statement.
53. ^ Moraga, Cherríe; Anzaldúa, Gloria (2015). This span called my dorsum : writings by radical women of color (Fourth ed.). Albany, NY. ISBN9781438454399. OCLC 894128432.
54. ^ "Malcolm Remembered: 25 Years of Research and Retrospective Reflection", MALCOLM X: Radical Tradition and a Legacy of Struggle, New York City, Nov one–4, 1990.
55. ^ "Brother Malcolm: 1991", Radical Tradition and a Legacy of Struggle — an international conference, December thirteen, 14, 15, 1991.
56. ^ Janita Poe, "African-American women are first to define their ain feminism", The Baltimore Sun, May 27, 1992.
57. ^ Charisse Jones, "A Candlelight Vigil Is Latest Round in a Clash Over Tyson", The New York Times, June 15, 1995.
58. ^ Clarence Page, "What Kind Of Hero?" Chicago Tribune, June 25, 1995.
59. ^ ^{a b} Chrisena Coleman, Jose Lambiet, Dick Sheridan, Frank Lombardi, "Atomic number 26 Mike skips rally and shops", Daily News, June 20, 1995.
60. ^ ^{a b c} ". Modern Black Feminism, Hip-Hop and the Bad Boy Women Who Paved the Style".
61. ^ Morgensen, Scott Lauria. Spaces between Us: Queer Settler Colonialism and Ethnic Decolonization. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota, 2011. Print.
62. ^ Cohen, Cathy. "Punks, Bulldaggers, and Queens: The Radical Potential of Queer Politics?" GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies vol. iii., no. 4 (1997): 437–465.
63. ^ Valles-Morales, Jesus. "On Queer of Color Criticism, Communication Studies, and Corporeality. Kaleidoscope: A Graduate Periodical of Qualitative Communication Inquiry 14 (2015)
64. ^ Albertine, Susan. "Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Color Critique (Book Review)." American Literature 77.iii (2005).
65. ^ Ferguson, Roderick A. Aberrations in Black: Toward a Queer of Colour Critique. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota, 2004. Print.
66. ^ Commonage, The Combahee River. "A Black Feminist Statement." WSQ: Women'south Studies Quarterly 42.3–four (2014): 271–80. Web.
67. ^ "Has Social Media Sparked A New Black Feminist Motility?". HelloBeautiful. March v, 2014. Retrieved Apr thirteen, 2017.
68. ^ "Black Feminism Goes Viral [EXCERPT] – EBONY". www.ebony.com. July 22, 2016. Retrieved Apr 13, 2017.
69. ^ "#BlackGirlMagic in Victoria Hole-and-corner's Paris Fashion Show". www.ebony.com. Dec six, 2016. Retrieved April 13, 2017.
70. ^ "Why everyone'southward proverb 'Blackness Girls are Magic'". Los Angeles Times. September 10, 2015. Retrieved Jan 3, 2020.
71. ^ Teen.com (November 11, 2015). "The Jenners' Racist Tendencies Are Apparently Rubbing Off on their BFF". Teen.com. Archived from the original on April fourteen, 2017. Retrieved April 13, 2017.
72. ^ Daniel, Kearie (August 17, 2016). "Dear Khloe: Cultural Appropriation Of Black Hairstyles Does Matter. Here's Why". Huffington Mail . Retrieved April 13, 2017.
73. ^ "Hollywood Has A Major Variety Problem, USC Study Finds". NPR.org . Retrieved April three, 2019.
74. ^ Beck, Lia. "'Subconscious Figures' Story Of Black Women'due south Success Is Necessary In More Ways Than 1". Bustle . Retrieved Apr 20, 2017.
75. ^ "Black Lives Matter: Our Co-Founders". Black Lives Matter . Retrieved Oct viii, 2018.
76. ^ Jackson, Sarah J. (October 1, 2016). "(Re)Imagining Intersectional Democracy from Black Feminism to Hashtag Activism". Women'due south Studies in Advice. 39 (4): 375–379. doi:ten.1080/07491409.2016.1226654. ISSN 0749-1409. S2CID 13872052.
77. ^ Lindsey, Treva B. (2015). "A Honey Letter to Blackness Feminism". The Black Scholar. 45 (iv): 1–6. doi:10.1080/00064246.2015.1080911. S2CID 143368218.
78. ^ Crenshaw, Kimberlé. "Transcript of "The urgency of intersectionality"". Retrieved October 18, 2018.
79. ^ T., Bridewell, AnaLexicis (January 1, 2016). "Blackness Lives Matter: Why Black Feminism?". First-Gen Voices: Creative and Critical Narratives on the First-Generation Higher Experience. 5 (1).
80. ^ Langford, Catherine (2016). "Blacklivesmatter: Epistemic Positioning, Challenges, And Possibilities". Journal of Contemporary Rhetoric. 5 (3/4): 78.
81. ^ ^{a b c d east f g h} Collins, Patricia Colina (2000). Black Feminist Thought (Second ed.). New York, New York: Routledge. p. 299. ISBN978-0-415-92483-2.
82. ^ ^{a b c d} Lloyd, Moya (2005). Beyond Identity Politics: Feminism, Power, and Politics. London: Sage Publications. pp. 61–69. ISBN0-8039-7885-5.
83. ^ ^{a b c} Crenshaw, Kimberlé (July 1991). "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color". Stanford Law Review. 43 (vi): 1241–1299. doi:x.2307/1229039. JSTOR 1229039.
84. ^ ^{a b c d} Tucker, Jeffrey (2004). A Sense of Wonder: Samuel R. Delany, Race, Identity, and Difference. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. p. 8.
85. ^ ^{a b} Burns, Stewart (2006). "Living for the Revolution: Black Feminist Organizations, 1968–1980", Journal of American History 93: 296–298.
86. ^ Springer, Kimberly (2005). Living for the Revolution: Black Feminist Organizations, 1968–1980. The states: Duke University Printing. pp. ane–2. ISBN9780822386858. Within five organizations I studied-- the Third Globe Women'due south Alliance (1968-1979), the National Black Feminist Organization (1973-1975), the National Alliance of Black Feminists (1976-1980), the Combahee River Commonage (1975–1980), and Blackness Women Organized for Action (1973–1980) – several thousand black women activists explicitly claimed feminism and defined a collective identity based on their race, gender, class, and sexual orientation claims.
87. ^ But Some of Us Are Brave: A History of Black Feminism in the United States; Interview with Robbie McCauley by Alex Schwall. 2004.
88. ^ ^{a b} Smith, Barbara. Response to Adrienne Rich'southward "Notes from Magazine: What does Separatism Mean?" from Sinister Wisdom, Upshot 20, 1982.
89. ^ Duchess, Harris. Interview with Barbara Smith
90. ^ ^{a b c d e} Breines, Wini. 2002. "What's Love got to do with it? White Women, Black Women, and Feminism in the Movement Years". Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 27: 1095–1133.
91. ^ "Combahee River Collective: A Blackness Feminist Statement – 1974". Archived from the original on March 26, 2016. Retrieved May 31, 2007.
92. ^ Cliff, Michelle. Women Warriors: Black Women Writers atomic number 82 the Catechism, Vocalisation Literary Supplement, May 1990.
93. ^ Higashida, Cheryl (1945–1995). "Women Writers of the Black Left, 1945-1995". Blackness Internationalist Feminism Women Writers of the Black Left. University of Illinois Printing. p. 264. ISBN9780252036507. JSTOR x.5406/j.ctt2tt9dg.
94. ^ "Black Woman's Manifesto". Duke Digital Collections.
95. ^ Toni Cade Bambara (2010). The Black Woman An Album. Washington Square Press. ISBN9781451604498. OCLC 1085178505.
96. ^ Smith, Barbara. Domicile Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1983, p. 1.
97. ^ Hull, Smith, Scott. All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, merely Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies, p. xvi.
98. ^ ^{a b} Smith, Barbara. Domicile Girls: A Blackness Feminist Anthology, Rutgers University Press, 2000, ISBN 0-8135-2753-viii, p. xiv.
99. ^ Biography of Hattie Gossett; retrieved May 31, 2007.
100. ^ Giardina (2018). "MOW to At present: Blackness Feminism Resets the Chronology of the Founding of Modern Feminism". Feminist Studies. 44 (iii): 736–765. doi:ten.15767/feministstudies.44.3.0736. JSTOR 10.15767/feministstudies.44.iii.0736.
101. ^ Bailey, Moya; Trudy (2018). "On misogynoir: commendation, erasure, and plagiarism". Feminist Media Studies. 18 (4): 762–768. doi:10.1080/14680777.2018.1447395. S2CID 148734268.
102. ^ Anyangwe, Eliza (Oct 5, 2015). "Misogynoir: where racism and sexism meet". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved January 3, 2020.

Farther reading [edit]

Books [edit]

• bell hooks, Ain't I a Woman?: Black Women and Feminism (1981)
• Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, Re-Creating Ourselves: African Women & Critical Transformations (1994)
• Muhs, Gabriella Gutiérrez y; Harris, Angela P.; Flores Niemann, Yolanda; González, Carmen Thou. (2012). Presumed Incompetent: The Intersections of Race and Class for Women in Academia. Boulder, Colorado: University Press of Colorado. ISBN978-0-87421-922-7.
• Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment (1990) and Blackness Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism (here) (Routledge, 2005)
• 3rd World Women's Brotherhood. Blackness Women'due south Manifesto (1970)
• Abode Girls: A Blackness Feminist Album (here). Kitchen Table: Women of Color Printing, 1983; Reed. 2000
• This Bridge Called My Dorsum: Writings by Radical Women of Color , (hither) edited by Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Eastward. Anzaldúa (Persephone Press, 1981; 2nd edn 1984, Kitchen Tabular array: Women of Color Press; translated into Castilian in 2002 by Cherríe Moraga, Ana Castillo, and Norma Alarcón)

Articles [edit]

• Benard, Akeia A.F. (October–December 2016). "Colonizing Blackness female bodies within patriarchal capitalism". Sexualization, Media, & Society. 2 (4): 237462381668062. doi:10.1177/2374623816680622.
• Chapman, Erin D. "A historiography of black feminist activism" History Compass (2019) https://doi.org/ten.1111/hic3.12576 abstract
• Harnois, Catherine E (2010). "Race, Gender and the Blackness women's Standpoint". Sociological Forum. 25 (one): 68–85. doi:x.1111/j.1573-7861.2009.01157.x.
• McClaurin, Irma, ed. (2001). Black Feminist Anthropology. Rutgers University Press.
• Springer, Kimberly (Summer 2002). "Tertiary wave Black feminism?". Signs. 27 (4): 1059–1082. doi:x.1086/339636. JSTOR ten.1086/339636. S2CID 143519056.

evanswittre.blogspot.com

Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Black_feminism

Share this post